The Japanese army and navy were ready to move. Despite their differences, both services were confident that they could handle operations against the British and Americans at the same time. The navy in particular felt strongly that it could either defeat the Americans in a single stroke or at least deliver a stunning blow to their adversary that would give the army a chance to seize the Philippines, Malaya, Hong Kong, and the Dutch East Indies (Indonesia).

Among Americans, few observers rated the Japanese military high enough to worry about. Most people specifically dismissed its chances against a target as well defended and as distant from Japan as Hawaii. Senator Alva Adams of Colorado, for example, doubted seriously that Japan “could bring to [Hawaii] at one time 280 airplanes of a fighting or bombing character.” At the other end of the Capitol, House Minority Leader Representative John W. McCormack of Massachusetts stated flatly that “Japan would never move itself against the United States.” American newspapers agreed with the politicians in Washington. The Chicago Tribune, for example, claimed with supreme confidence that Japan “cannot attack us. That is a military impossibility. Even our base at Hawaii is beyond the effective striking power of her Fleet.”16 The prediction made by Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes perhaps represented the thinking of the largest share of Americans when it came to likelihood of a Japanese move against Pearl Harbor: “There is going to be no attack on Hawaii. It is too far away.”

Faced with what it saw as a threat to Japan’s very survival as a regional power, the Imperial cabinet met between September 3 and September 6, 1941, in order to discuss how best to respond to the Americans. The army reiterated its support for an offensive in the southwestern Pacific. The generals proposed multiple coordinated invasions of the American- held Philippines, British Malaya and Hong Kong, and the Dutch East Indies (Indonesia) within days of one another. The Imperial Navy presented its case that a war at sea against the United States was rapidly becoming inevitable and that the land actions planned by the army had to be matched with an attack on Pearl Harbor, perhaps combined with a move against the U.S. bases on Wake Island and the Midway Islands. The assignment of all available troops to the southwest meant that invasions of Hawaii and the Aleutian Islands had to be put on hold. Admiral Chuichi Nagumo warned that conditions favorable to Japanese victory would not last forever: “At the present time we have a chance to win the war, I fear that opportunity will disappear with the passage of time.” With the army and navy in agreement and with the Americans refusing to back down, the Konoye cabinet made the decision to continue negotiations but prepare for war. Yamamoto was ordered to begin operational planning and crew training for an attack on Pearl Harbor.

GENERAL SHORT’S WAR WARNING

The November 27 “war warning” sent by Chief of Naval Operations Admiral Harold Stark to Admiral Kimmel was clear and unequivocal: War with Japan was imminent, and Kimmel should prepare for it. The similar message relayed from Army Chief of Staff General George Marshall to the commander of the Hawaiian Department, Lieutenant General Short, was not so straightforward. Since 1941, debates about the alleged vagueness of Marshall’s warning have raged. Many scholars have argued that the chief of staff should have expressed his concerns with greater clarity and emphasis and that Short’s confusion over exactly what steps to take to prepare his command for hostilities was totally understandable. Other historians have blamed Short for not reading a plainly worded message carefully enough, thus playing into Japanese hands and setting up his command for disaster on December 7. Readers can judge for themselves whether Short was a victim or a villain after reading the text of General Marshall’s message, reprinted in full. (Note: Periods and commas have been inserted where telegraphic form required the actual use of the words period and comma.)

PRIORITY MESSAGE NO. 472 TO COMMANDING GENERAL, HAWAIIAN DEPARTMENT: Negotiations with Japan appear to be terminated to all practical purposes with only the barest possibilities that the Japanese Government might come back and offer to continue. Japanese future action unpredictable but hostile action possible at any moment. If hostilities cannot, repeat cannot, be avoided the United States desires that Japan commit the first overt act. This policy should not, repeat not, be construed as restricting you to a course of action that might jeopardize your defense. Prior to hostile Japanese action you are directed to undertake such reconnaissance and other measures as you deem necessary but these measures should be carried out so as not, repeat not, to alarm civil population or disclose intent. Report measures taken. Should hostilities occur you will carry out the tasks assigned in rainbow five so far as they pertain to Japan. Limit discussion of this highly secret information to minimum essential officers. Marshall

THE JAPANESE VIEW OF PEARL HARBOR

American voices from December 7 are often heard. The words of politicians, average citizens, and the men who were at Pearl Harbor that day have resonated through American history since 1941. The thoughts and feelings of the men in the First Carrier Striking Force, however, are far less familiar. Their concerns, fears, and hopes are overlooked or, worse, dismissed. The Japanese sailors and airmen, as a result, are stereotyped as heartless aggressors, simply the enemy “other.” Yet these men sensed the significance of raid on Pearl Harbor and felt their own unique emotions as the attack began and ended. Here, in the recollections of Vice Admiral Ryunosuke Kusaka, who stood next to Admiral Nagumo throughout the battle, is a glimpse of how the Japanese perceived the events of December 7. This excerpt from Kusaka’s memoir records the atmosphere on the Akagi just as the attack on the Pacific Fleet was beginning.

As I sat in front of the maps in the operations room [of the Akagi] expecting to hear reconnaissance reports from the [destroyer] Tone’s and Chikuma’s seaplanes which had been dispatched about thirty minutes before, the first report from the Chikuma’s plane came in. It read: “The enemy fleet is not in Lahaina anchorage . . . the enemy fleet is in Pearl Harbor.” How pleased we were to receive this report! Instinctively Admiral Nagumo and all of his staff officers looked at each other and could not suppress their smiles. The only thing remaining was to await the result of the attack. A pre- arranged word “Tora,” the very word which all attention— not only the Task Force but also the Malaya Invasion Force, the Philippine Force to the south, [Yamamoto’s] flagship in Hiroshima Bay and the Imperial General Staff in Tokyo— were focused to catch. Soon a telegram sent from the dive bomber leader to his planes . . . was intercepted. It was soon followed by a telegram order from [Fuchida’s] plane notifying all planes “to launch attacks.” Sensing that they were now going to launch an attack at last, everyone in the operations room held their breath . . . the long- awaited “tora” was received. At that moment, I was on the bridge with Admiral Nagumo directing action of the force after launching all planes, and could not suppress tears coming down my checks. Without any words, I firmly grasped Admiral Nagumo’s hand.